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All Question and One
Answer
Q.1)
Give a brief account of the main physiological features of the Australian
continent.
Q.2)
Why is Australia known as the 'Dry Continent'? Explain.
Q.3)
What are the main characteristics of the Australian population?
In the mid-20th Century, Australia was considered to be a
land of cultural and topographical unity. It was known for its remarkable unity
in most of its features especially when being compared to Europe with its
mosaic of different nationalities erecting barriers against each other. It is
only in recent years that there has been an increasing awareness of the
changing composition and diversity of the population. Modern Australia had
begun as a penal colony of the British in 1788 with a very small number of free
settlers. Over the years and with the consolidation of settlement along the
eastern coast, the rapid expansion of the British woollen industry led to the
rapid subjugation of its indigenous inhabitants and most of the vast expanse of
land.
Today, the Aboriginal groups have
been recognised as distinct peoples and efforts are made to undo the wrongs of
the past. Moreover, the increasing inflow of immigrants from all parts of the
world has resulted in Australia evolving as a multicultural nation. Sometimes
referred to as the land 'down under', Australia is located southeast of Asia in
the southern hemisphere. It is the world's largest island (and smallest
continent) sharing no borders with other countries and covering an area of
7,713,360 square kilometres (2,978,145 square miles). The island together with
the adjacent Torres Strait island and island of Tasmania forms the Commonwealth
of Australia. Australia is divided up into six states and three territories.
The six states are: New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, Tasmania, South
Australia and Western Australia. The three territories are the Australian
Capital Territory (ACT), Northern Territory and Jervis Bay Territory
Q.4)
How was the Australian national identity perceived in the past? Why and how has
it been changing?
Q.5)
Give a brief description of the Aboriginal community in Australian society around 1788.
Q.6)
Give an account of the process of colonisation in Australia
Australian history essentially began with colonisation. Yet
we know that the Australian continent has a rich culture which goes back many
years before colonisation. Radio-carbon dating has revealed that Aborigines
migrated to Australia at least about 40,000 years ago. What concerns us is to
try and understand who the Aborigines were and who they are today. What kind of
an impact did colonisation have on them? According to the beliefs of many
Aboriginal groups, people have been in Australia since the beginning-the
Dreaming.
The Aboriginal culture has been
dynamic, not static. As the Aborigines occupied the continent, their culture evolved
in all its variety. The fact that the Australian Aborigines did not cultivate
land to grow crops or domesticate animals, they have often been portrayed as
being a backward race. This was the basis on which colonisation took place
occupying and taking over land which the colonisers explained was terra nullius
or belonging to no one. Overall, the Australian Aborigines went through stages
of being conquered through an 'invasion' and taking of their lands. However,
the settlers were often contemptuous of the Aborigines and separated them from
their society and the people became the fringe dwellers of society. The
Australian colonial history can be said to be divided roughly into four broad
periods (which at times overlapped) before the formation of the federation in
1901: The foundation years from 1788 to 1821; the ascendancy of the
pastoralists from 1820 to 1850; 1850 to 1892 which was the period of the gold
rush leading to a massive increase in the population; and the period of
nationalism and the labour movement from the 1880 to 1900. Soon after the
establishment of the self-governing colonial territories, Aborigines occupied
the special position of 'protected persons' to protect them from the evils of
settlement.
The colonial 'outlook' towards the
aborigines had undergone change. However, while the colonial policy was claimed
to be benevolent, ostensibly to save Aborigines from extinction, they have been
accused of being more concerned with opening up the frontiers, to seek
aboriginal labour and to protect their reputation and self-governing status.
The Colonial policy also had an impact on the formation of aboriginal identity.
Sometime in the 20th Century, the differences between Aboriginal tribes seemed
to collapse for the settlers and they began to view them as homogenous using a
common term "Aborigines" instead of names for individual tribes.
They have been generally grouped in
terms of a race, class and a culture which was either primitive or too 'noble'.
However a new view of the Aborigines resulting from aboriginal assertiveness
about identity, decision making, land rights recognition of their culture is
now taking centre stage.
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Q.7)
What led to the decline of a White Australia and emergence of a multicultural
society?
Q.8)
Describe Australia's Multicultural policy. What impact did it have on
immigrants to Australia?
Q.9)
Explain the points system in Australian immigration
Q.10)
Analyse the philosophical background of Australian Federalism and nature of
division of powers between the Commonwealth and States.
Q.11)
Explain the Aboriginal Peoples' Nationalism in Australia.
12)
Describe the significant characteristics of multiculturalism and national identity in Australia.
13)
Give a brief account of government social security in Australia. How effective
has it been?
15
) How have the developmental strategies in Australia impacted on the Australian
aboriginals, women and children
Australia has had for long the reputation of being an
egalitarian society. In reality, however, income inequality had persisted ever
since six Australian colonies became a federation in 1901. An official survey
in 1915 revealed that the top 5 per cent of the population had as much as 60
per cent of the wealth. No doubt this situation changed over time with the
federal government introducing from time to time welfare policy measures
through progressive taxation.
Although there are no reliable data,
available unofficial studies suggest that still the top 5 per cent of the
population own anywhere between 40 to 50 per cent of the total wealth. In terms
of income, Australian Bureau of Statistics in its survey made in 1992 showed
that the top ten per cent of pre-tax income earners received little more than
one fourth of all gross income during the second half of the decade of 1980.
Such an estimate could be misleading as it includes, besides the labour-force earnings,
all those in receipt of pensions, benefits, superannuation, dividends and bank
interest. A more recent study by the Economic Planning Advisory Commission in
1995, in fact, notes that "measured income inequality, especially that for
market-based earnings has been increasing, or at best has been relatively
static". The Commission was also of the view that "the increased
redistributive role of government programs" has not resulted "in a
decrease in inequality"(Economic Planning Advisory Commission, 1995,
p.71). Based on the Commission's findings, it is pointed out that in the 1980s
private income generation has only exacerbated the prevailing income
inequality. Just as much no reliable estimates are available to measure income
inequality, estimates regarding the evidence of poverty are no less scarce.
Existence of poverty has for long been not acknowledged because, as one
observer puts it, the "myth of egalitarianism [made] Australians
relatively indifferent to the problem of income inequality". (Encel, 1970,
p.171) It was only in 1975, the federal government appointed the Commission of
Inquiry into Poverty, which it may be said, had conducted a pioneering study on
the levels of poverty in Australia. Dismissing the generally held notion that
Australia is "a lucky country", the Commission found that in 1974 (a
year generally characterised by full employment) no less than 10 per cent of
households were below poverty line. Of these, those recorded incomes less than
40 per cent below the poverty line were households without an income-earning
adult.
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Health-Care Schemes
By most counts, Australia has commendable health schemes in
place thanks to which Australia is described as a healthy country. Today, life
expectancy at birth is 75 years for males and 89 years for females whereas in
1950 comparable figures stood at 66.5 for males and 71.7 for females. Infant
mortality rate is 7 deaths per thousand live births. While the statistical mean
is quite satisfactory, Australians are better served in terms of health. The
Australian Bureau of Statistics, on the basis of its survey in 1993, showed
that more than quarter of the Australian people are obese and therefore are
faced with attendant health problems as also a sixth of the population suffer
other disabilities including on account of age and other physical handicaps. In
meeting a variety of the health-care problems, Australia has in place adequate
health-care facilities. Besides well-equipped public hospitals, which provide
on an average 5 hospital beds for every thousand people, there are also primary
health-care facilities where general practitioners operating privately on a
fee-for-service basis of which fee the federal government through the subsidy
scheme (Medicare) refunds 85 per cent. The subsidy scheme is funded by a levy
of 1.5 per cent on taxable incomes and the rest is met from the general
revenue. Besides, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme guarantees that no family
will pay more than Aus $.600 per year for prescribed medication. Overall, the
health expenditure in Australia accounts for 8.5 per cent of GDP, which amounts
to Aus. $ 2000 per person.
Educational Facilities
Australia provides for
reasonably adequate standards of education. The total outlay on education is
slightly more than 5 per cent of the GDP. Both the federal and the state
governments provide for educational services, which among others include free
tuition in government-run schools, which receive 90 per cent of funding from
the states by way of federal transfers they receive and the remainder of 10 per
cent the schools receive directly from the federal government. Private schools
too receive government funding-65 per cent from the federal and 35 per cent
from the state governments. School education is compulsory between the ages of
6 and 15 (16 in Tasmania). At the tertiary level, higher education is provided
at the university (36 universities) and a series of state-based technical and
further education (TAFE) colleges, which provide vocational training. The
funding for these comes primarily from the states (71 per cent) and the federal
government (17 per cent) and the remaining 12 per cent from tuition fees. In
order to support students at the secondary and tertiary levels, federal
government provides a means-tested education allowance known as Austudy. The
National average shows a ratio of women to men at the tertiary level as 53:47.
Overall, nearly one-fourth of the age-group 15 to 24 go to the tertiary level
of education — more than one-tenth at university, and nearly as many at TAFE.
At the beginning of the twentieth century, the top 5 per cent
of the population had as much as 60 per cent of the wealth. Over time, through
welfare policy measures and progressive taxation, the federal government
claimed to have changed the situation. Yet recent studies show that income
inequality especially that for market-based earnings has been increasing. There
was an increase in the number of people living below the poverty line in the
late 1980s and through the 1990s because of unemployment largely on account of
the economic restructuring which led several large manufacturing plants either
to shut down or shed labour seeking more skilled labour.
The quality of life
attributed to the pursuance of the welfare state policies by the government is
said to be high. Examining certain quantifiable social indicators such as
importantly health and education, we find that Australia has in place adequate
health-care facilities. However access to these services is a problem.
Health-care and educational facilities are characteristically concentrated in
metropolitan centres and surrounding affluent suburbs. The section of
population in Australia most affected and deprived of socio-economic benefits
are the aboriginals, women and children.
While women in Australia are stated to be doing well, there
are considerable differences in the rate of their participation depending on
the location. Similarly for children, the state and federal government fund a
variety of programmes, but most of the welfare schemes come under pressure in
times of financial stringency as demand outstrips supply.
With the economic recession of the 1970s, the welfare state
was being questioned and with the 1980s with a series long-term economic
restructuring plans, welfare schemes dwindled and welfare recipients were
ridiculed as work-shy 'dole-bludgers'. In politics, both the contending
political parties-Liberal-National and the Labor-are espousing the cause
economic restructuring and liberalisation.
All Question and One
Answer
Q.
16 ) In what way did the structure of the Australian economy and trade change
in the 1980s from that of the post Second World War years?
Q.
17) Why did Australia decide to go in for domestic economic liberalisation in
the 1980s? What steps did it take in this direction?
In the process, like most industrialised countries, Australia
too has opened its economy, liberalising foreign trade and payments,
deregulating its financial system, promoting competition and a more flexible
labour market, privatising state enterprises and encouraging foreign direct
investment-all of which has resulted in an increase in the relative importance
of foreign trade and capital movements, creating thereby a degree of
internationalisation of the national economy. These transformative changes came
in the wake of hike in world oil price which coincided with the decline in
Australia's terms of trade during the 1970s. It is in these difficult
circumstances that Australia sought domestic economic reforms based on the
minimal government intervention in the market. With the domestic economy thus
increasingly penetrated by the global market/economic forces, the traditional
economic strategy of bargaining domestic economic stability in exchange for
external liberalisation has come to an end.
From the time of federation up until the decade of 1980,
Australia remained largely as a 'dual economy' like most primary source-endowed
developing countries, exporting its raw materials and in return importing
manufactured goods alongside evolving domestic manufactures totally protected
from foreign competition. Such an economy effectively insulated inefficient
manufacturing and service sectors from the global economy while the relatively
efficient agricultural export sector, joined in the post-Second World war
period by the mining industry, met largely Australia's import demands. In fact,
until the 1970s Australia enjoyed strong trade growth based on traditional
exports of primary commodities initially to Britain, followed by the United
States and then to the rapidly developing East Asian economies, especially
Japan. Until after the Second World War, Australia's one-half of trade was with
Britain. The British economy, with its apparently insatiable demand for
agricultural products and raw materials was more complementary to the
Australian economy than were those of the most other industrial countries. But
beginning 1960s, there was a notable decline in Australia's trade with Britain
reaching to less than 5 per cent today. For, by the 1950s British goods were
already uncompetitive in the Australian market and were unable to match the
products of other industrial powers such as importantly the US. The special
relationship between Australia and Britain brought about by the colonial
connections and later as members of the Commonwealth, therefore, began to
decline over the decades in terms of trade relations. Attendant on the decline
in Australia-Britain economic ties was the perceptible increase in Australia-US
trade ties, which reached its peak in 1970s and ever since has remained almost
constant. However, since 1960s, Japan started to occupy a meaningful share in
Australia's trade. Whereas in late 1940s its share in Australia's trade was
negligible, by mid-1960s it increased to almost one-fifth in Australia's trade.
Ever since, the quantum of Australian trade expanded in the East Asia region
given the rapid growth of other countries in the region. In the process, the
relative importance of some of the traditional partners such as Britain and the
US declined and East Asian economies have emerged as the new and growing
partners in Australia's external trade.
IGNOU MPSE 012 Important Questions with Answers –
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TRADE LIBERALISATION THROUGH MULTILATERALISM
Parallel to its unilateral policy change in restructuring the
domestic economy, Australia became quite active to promote multilateral free
trade in such international forums such as General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade (GATT) and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC). Admittedly, these
were the two principal innovatory trade policy measures that Australia
spearheaded in the 1980s. The first of these was Australia's leadership of the
Cairns Group of Fair Agricultural Trading Nations established in 1986 with as
many as thirteen other countries spanning five continents — Argentina, Brazil,
Chile Colombia and Uruguay in Latin America; Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand and
the Philippines from Asia; Australia, New Zealand and Fiji; Canada; and
Hungary.
The objective of the Cairns Group was to push for the
inclusion of agriculture on GATT's agenda for the Uruguay Round and the
subsequent reform of agricultural policies, especially those of the major
industrialised economies in respect of three contested areas such as export
subsidies, import access and internal support. By way of bargaining, the Cairns
Group led by Australia demanded reform of agriculture trade in return for its
support for the other items in the Uruguay Round. Such a diplomatic exercise
yielded positive results. With agriculture on the Uruguay Round's agenda,
Australia's principal cause of concern with the GATT had been met.
Undoubtedly, it helped the Australian
government to show its domestic producers that it was fighting to provide gains
to compensate for the pain experienced by them from liberalisation and
deregulation. More than these gains, for Australia the Cairns Group represented
a creative and effective multilateral diplomacy bringing into fold a disparate
group of members and to hold them together for a very complex process of
negotiation in the Uruguay Round.
AUSTRALIA'S ENGAGEMENT WITH THE WORLD ECONOMY
The change of government in 1996 led by a coalition of
National-Liberal parties under the stewardship of John Howard has only further
intensified Australia's insertion into the world economy. By and large, the
present government's record reveals a continuation of the foreign economic
policies of its predecessors, despite much rhetoric to the contrary from both
sides of the political spectrum. Finance and foreign investment policies have
been identical while in respect of trade policy, the government's early
statements promoting an enhanced bilateral approach produced nothing of
substance.
Equally, the predecessor Labor
government's warnings that the Howard government would turn away from Asia,
reflecting Howard's own predisposition, did not come to pass. Domestically, the
picture is slightly different with political debate raging over the
government's extension of the domestic neoliberal reform agenda of the Labor
government through increased deregulation (in particular tax and labour market
reforms) and privatisation, as well as the further restructuring of the state.
The government's foreign economic policies, predicated on an economic theory of
unilateral liberalisation and deregulation and linked to these neoliberal
domestic reforms, remain essentially ideologically driven as they choose to
ignore a global and trading environment of many barriers and distortions. The
essential features of the present government's economic policies are as
follows: (1) continuation of microeconomic reform policies focussed on the
labour market by way of reducing the power and involvement of the trade unions
in the workplace; (2) deregulation of several industries in the communication
and telecommunication sectors and privatisation of the pre-existing monopolies;
and (3) accelerate the process of trade liberalisation through multilateral and
bilateral trade arrangements.
All Question and One
Answer
18) What explains the ethnic diversity of Australia's
population?
19) Is immigration leading to the decline of economic
prosperity in Australia? Discuss.
20) What do you understand by a multicultural Australia?
Critically discuss the multicultural policies of Australia in the 1990s.
Australian cities really look highly diverse. The question is
whether the cultural diversity of Australian cities is leading to social
conflict, say along racial and ethnic lines, or it could as well lead to social
cohesion in a rapidly changing society? The above question has been debated for
very long. Truth of the matter is, there is no straight answer to such a
question. Common sense tells us that diversity can be a source of social
conflict and tension. However, the economists tell us about 'cultural capital'
which is harnessed from the experiences of diversity and is considered a
positive input in the developmental process of a country. In Australia, it is
the economic dimension of immigration that has been intensely debated since
1945. There are two sets of arguments for and against immigration. One single
most important argument has been that Australia needs immigrants to fill the
labour shortages. Australia is a resource export dependent economy; and to
harness the natural resources, it needs labour so that prosperity of the
country and living standards of Australians could be maintained.
The conventional argument is that during the period of
economic boom, immigration tends to rise but falls during periods of economic
recession. Since the 1990s, Australian economy has been in the growth
trajectory; but immigration has not risen to a perceptibly high level. Since
the economy has been growing and immigration has been relatively low, obviously
one cannot blame the immigrants for the hardships faced by ordinary
Australians. Problem lies in the nature of economic restructuring which is
producing, what economists call, 'jobless growth'. It is true that there are
not many worthwhile studies to show the impact of immigration on Australian
economy. Few studies which have looked into the issue however conclude that
immigration has generally a positive, at least a benign, impact on employment
and the economy in general. This happens in many ways. Many immigrant
professionals are employed at lower category of employment; and it is said that
Australian labour market penalises rather than rewards cultural capital. As a
result, many immigrants, more so if they happen to belong to ethnic minority
groups, never reach the highest levels of corporate and bureaucratic structures.
Many immigrants work at low wages and they raise the level of demand and
consumption, and thus contribute to the creation of wealth, jobs and exports.
During periods of economic recession, it is immigrants who suffer more in the
form of low wages and lay-offs.
There is sufficient evidence of
racial discrimination in the Australian labour market which suggests that the
Australian market economy does not adequately reward the cultural diversity and
makes the 'coloured' immigrants suffer during periods of economic down-turn. In
other words, immigration and cultural diversity strengthens Australian economy;
and if the economy responds fully to the potential of immigrant human capital,
the economy can become stronger. It is however noted that in periods of domestic
economic down-turns, immigration becomes a convenient target for all the
economic and social ills of the Australian society.
Political parties and politicians
find immigrants soft target, and begin blaming them for rising social tension
and national disunity. Immigrant ethnic groups are even branded as a threat to
national security and national identity. Those who have been nurtured on racist
and xenophobic propaganda fall prey to such rhetoric. Given Australia's long
history of racism and xenophobia, there are many takers for such a prejudicial
view of the immigration during periods of economic down-turn or a national
crisis.
All Question and One
Answer
21) What led to the idea of multiculturalism? Does it vary from
country to country?
22) Why are multicultural policies under criticism in the
twenty-first century?
Multiculturalism emerged in the 1960s and by 1970s both
Australia and Canada had declared themselves as multicultural nations. By the
end of the 1990s, the idea of multiculturalism had been accepted both in the
immigrant and non-immigrant societies. However, with the beginning of the first
decade of the twenty-first century, the policies and the concept of
multiculturalism were under attack and it was being said that it had no place
in the world of the twenty-first century. Several reasons like the prediction
of the clash of civilisations, the terrorist attack of September 11, rising
poverty (which is blamed on immigrants) were given but none of these stands up
to scrutiny.
If there are those who believe that multiculturalism can be
used to maintain segregation and to maximise diversity, it is their mistake and
not that of the concept. Multiculturalism evolved because a highly diverse
society has to be socially integrated. Thus one should not blame
multiculturalism for the ills of the society but examine deeply the
deficiencies that might have crept into the practices of democracy, rights and
equality. In short, what is required is not abandonment or dilution of
multiculturalism but, what Will Kymlicka has called, 'liberal multiculturalism'
in order to accommodate ethno-cultural diversities.
There are at the moment no satisfactory alternatives to
multiculturalism. Due to a non-discriminatory immigration policy, Australia has
become truly diverse. Immigration itself is a federal subject, while the states
are responsible for the welfare, education and health.
In Australia, unlike in Canada, there
is no multiculturalism legislation, and no national rights framework for the
retention and expression of cultural differences. There are, however, a number
of institutions that deal with multiculturalism. Three main aspects of the
'Australian multiculturalism' which are noteworthy are cultural preservation,
religious differences (more recently) and a waning in commitment to economic inequality.
Liberal multiculturalism has declined as a desired social policy, though there
is a significant majority support in favour of ethnic diversity within a
commitment to national core values and allegiance. Australian multiculturalism
has produced social tension and is trying to control the dissidence through a
coercive approach.
All Question and One
Answer
23) Give a brief account of the evolution of Australian
multiculturalism.
24) Trace the birth and growth of Indian diaspora in Australia.
25) What are the different categories of Indian diaspora in
Australia and how can one distinguish between them?
Australia is one of the multicultural nation-states that
recognise or profess the co-existence of a plurality of ethnic cultures within
their political space. In recent years, with the unfolding of the forces of
globalisation, the issue of ethnic/cultural identity has become an intense site
of academic concern and debate among social scientists as well as policy
makers. It is in this context that multiculturalism and its efficacy has become
quite a controversial issue. A critical question of concern, therefore, is how
cultural identities in all its manifestations are adequately accommodated or
allowed to co-exist within such nation-states.
By most accounts, Australia, as a multicultural nation-state,
fits in with the second model. Unlike other modern multicultural nation-states,
such as the United States, where there has been a "bottom up"
evolutionary process towards multiculturalism, in Australia it is a
"top-down" political strategy formally adopted by the state and
gradually implemented in recent decades. Whereas in the US the multiculturalist
policy programmes have been advanced by the erstwhile "excluded"
ethnic minority groups, such as the Blacks, Hispanics and Asian Americans, in
Australia, multiculturalism is a centre-piece of official government policy
implemented by those in power precisely to advance the "inclusion" of
ethnic minorities within its evolving national mainstream culture. Such that,
both the US and Australia, despite sharing a common historical experience of
British colonialism and immigration, seem to have adopted different
trajectories in evolving the multicultural nation-state.
The first model does not support nor
penalise identity by public policy and the second model involves policy
measures aimed at protecting and promoting cultural identity. Australia belongs
to the second model. Tracing the evolution of Australian multiculturalism it is
seen that from the very first fleet that anchored off Sydney Cove in 1788 there
were a dozen different ethnic groups represented. However by 1901, with the
establishment of a federation, the first major legislation was adopted under
the Immigrant Restriction Act prohibiting immigration of people of
"non-European" origin into Australia.
Given its historical evolution as a
settler society and given the geo-political ground realities, Australia, before
long, realised that for its economic development and national security, it had
to depend on sustained immigration and efforts were made to encourage
non-European settlers by the Migration Act of 1958. This led to official proclamation
of state-sponsored multiculturalism in the early 1970s. It was only after the
mid nineteenth century that that number of Indian immigrants increased. In
early nineteenth century they came in as labourers.
The second wave came with the gold
rush of the 1850s in Australia. Most had come to Australia for pastoral work
and camel rearing and driving, although some were free settlers. With the
passing of the Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, migration to Australia from
India decreased considerably. But with the enactment of the Migration Act of
1958, significant numbers of Anglo-Indians were given permanent residence. A
new category of extended residence for highly qualified Asians was also
introduced, offering lucrative opportunities to Asian Indians. With the
abolition of the "Dictation Test" in 1958, immigration concessions
for non-Europeans with professional and technical skills saw the arrival of
Asian-Indians, especially after 1966.
Introduction of the policy of
multiculturalism followed by the Racial Discrimination Act of 1975 had
important implications for Asian-Indian immigrants to Australia. Increasing
numbers of Indian professional people entered the country from many parts of
India. The Indian diaspora may broadly be classified into four categories: one,
the 'old immigrants'; two, the 'new immigrants'; three, the 'geographically
indirect' Indian immigrants; and four, the second generation Australia-born
Indians. The Sikh Punjabis and Muslims who are mostly of rural origin
performing agricultural and unskilled work represent the 'old immigrants'. The
'new immigrants' are unlike their peasant counterparts in that they are drawn
from different parts of India, are well-educated, technically skilled, hold
white collar jobs. The 'geographically indirect' Indian immigrants are those
whose ethnic origin is Indian, yet their country of previous residence is
different from their country of ethnic origin. The second-generation Indians
are those born in Australia of Indian parentage. With the policy of multiculturalism
taking root in Australia, the Indian diasporic community has taken considerable
advantage and has since been engaged in a flurry of activities to retain and
reproduce their cultural distinctiveness and notwithstanding its diverse
religious, regional and linguistic variants, has thus been able to evolve into
a cohesive and vibrant ethnic community.
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MPSE 012 STATE AND SOCIETY IN AUSTRALIA December 2019 Question Paper
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