Tuesday, January 19, 2021

Marxist approach to the study of IR

Marxist approach to the study of IR

Marxist approach to the study of IR

Marxist approach to the study of IR Marxism is both a critical approach that desires to always question the mainstream policy-driven approaches to IR theory and a classical approach via the philosophical and sociological tradition of its namesake, the philosopher Marx (1818–1883). In fact, Marxism is that the only theoretical perspective in IR that's named after an individual . Of the range of great thinkers available to us, Marx might not automatically qualify as being the foremost ‘internationalist’. 

In fact, most of Marx’s (and his sometimes co-author Friedrich Engels’) work wasn't primarily concerned with the formation of states or maybe the interactions between them. What connected their interests to IR was the economic revolution, as this event was ultimately what Marx was witnessing and trying to know .  Marxist approach to the study of IR, He, with Engels, developed a revolutionary approach and outlined a group of concepts that transcended national differences while also providing practical advice on the way to build a transnational movement of individuals . Workers from factories across the planet – the proletariat – were to organise themselves into a politically revolutionary movement to counter the exploitative and unequal effects of capitalism, which were accelerated and expanded by the economic revolution. This vision of a possible link between the majority of humanity as a worldwide proletariat is where, and how, Marxism enters IR from a special viewpoint to other theories.

Another influential update of the classical theories of imperialism is that the neo- Gramscian strand of Marxism. Antonio Gramsci’s (1891–1937) concept of hegemony is assumed by some to be more useful today than the concept of imperialism. It emphasises two things. First, the domination of some groups of people (or groups of states) over other groups also depends on ideological factors. In other words, capitalism is experienced in several ways historically and across the world because people know it – and thus comply with or resist it – in several ways. Second, the relations of dependency and kinds of groups (or units) wont to understand those relations are more varied and fluid than world systems theory. Therefore, capitalism dominates our social relations because it's reproduced through coercive and consensual means. The concept was wont to explain why educated and organised workers in Western Europe didn't ‘unite’ to ‘lose their chains’, as Marx and Engels had predicted. A neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony focuses on the consensual ways during which transnational classes, organisations and law of nations reproduce capitalism and its inequalities. The transnational capitalist class – dominated by great powers – forms a ‘global civil society’ that universalises liberal ideals instead of imposing itself through more coercive processes of classical imperialism and colonisation, as was the case in earlier times.

 For example, Singapore, Hong-Kong, South Korea and Taiwan were known because the Four Asian Tigers due to their rapid industrialisation and high growth rates from the 1960s to the 1990s. In these countries, a robust ruling elite consented to a selected sort of financial economy – often called a ‘neoliberal’ model – which also took hold across the planet to varying degrees as other states sought to emulate this ‘success’. However, vast inequalities and human rights violations are increasing across and within many societies despite the dominance of neoliberalism globally. This shows that although neoliberal hegemony is way from producing the success it originally projected, this perceived success remains one among the most drivers of capitalism because it convinces people to consent to capitalism without the threat of force.

A newer trend of Marxism in IR – historical sociology – returns to a number of the more classical problems of IR. Specifically, it's at the event of the fashionable state system in reference to the transition(s) to capitalism and to the various moments of colonial and imperial expansion. it's more closely at what happened inside Europe but also beyond Europe. More specifically, it contests the birth of the sovereign states system following the treaties of Westphalia in 1648 and instead focuses on more socio-economic processes within the nineteenth century to define key shifts in modern diplomacy . This underlines how scholars are taking history beyond Europe so as to deal with the Eurocentric assumptions found in Marxism and within the wider discipline of IR itself.

Theory of Nuclear Deterrence

 Theory of Nuclear Deterrence

 Theory of Nuclear Deterrence

Theory of Nuclear Deterrence The strategic concept of deterrence aims to stop war. it's the justification virtually every nuclear state uses for maintaining nuclear arsenals, including the united kingdom . The concept of deterrence follows the rationale of the 'first user' principle: states reserve the proper to use nuclear weapons in self-defence against an armed attack threatening their vital security interests.

Possession of nuclear weapons might be seen because the ultimate bargaining tool in international diplomacy, instantly giving any nuclear state a seat at the highest table.

Theory of Nuclear Deterrence , The Coalition government has committed to maintaining Trident, the UK's submarine-based nuclear deterrent. The Royal Navy operates 58 nuclear-armed Trident II D5 submarine-launched ballistic missiles and up to 160 nuclear warheads on four Vanguard-class submarines, one among which is usually on patrol.

The Foreign Secretary confirmed in May 2010 that the united kingdom would hold in its stockpile a maximum of 225 nuclear warheads; this includes 160 operationally available warheads, plus additional warheads needed to permit for routine processing, maintenance and logistic management. In March 2012 the Defence Secretary, Philip Hammond, confirmed that HMS Vengeance, one among the Royal Navy's nuclear deterrent submarines, would undergo a £350m upgrade, expected to require three-and-a-half- years. HMS Vengeance is that the last of the four ballistic submarines to undergo an entire overhaul and refuel.

In 2004 Frank C. Zagare made the case that deterrence theory is logically inconsistent, not empirically accurate, which it's deficient as a theory. in situ of classical deterrence, rational choice scholars have argued for perfect deterrence, which assumes that states may vary within the ir internal characteristics and particularly in the credibility of their threats of retaliation.

In a January 2007 article within the Wall Street Journal, veteran cold-war policy makers Kissinger , Bill Perry, George Shultz, and Sam Nunn reversed their previous position and asserted that faraway from making the planet safer, nuclear weapons had become a source of utmost risk.

The use of military threats as a way to discourage international crises and war has been a central topic of international security research for a minimum of 200 years. Research has predominantly focused on the idea of rational deterrence to research the conditions under which conventional deterrence is probably going to succeed or fail. Alternative theories however have challenged the rational deterrence theory and have focused on organizational theory and psychology .

The concept of deterrence are often defined because the use of threats by one party to convince another party to refrain from initiating some course of action. A threat is a deterrent to the extent that it convinces its target to not perform the intended action due to the prices and losses that focus on would incur. In international security, a policy of deterrence generally refers to threats of military retaliation directed by the leaders of 1 state to the leaders of another in an effort to stop the opposite state from resorting to the threat of use of military unit in pursuit of its policy goals.

As outlined by Huth,a policy of deterrence can fit into two broad categories being (i) preventing an armed attack against a state's own territory (known as direct deterrence); or (ii) preventing an armed attack against another state (known as extended deterrence). Situations of direct deterrence often occur when there's a territorial dispute between neighboring states during which major powers just like the us don't directly intervene. On the opposite hand, situations of extended deterrence often occur when an excellent power becomes involved. it's the latter that has generated the bulk of interest in academic literature. Building on these two broad categories, Huth goes on to stipulate that deterrence policies could also be implemented in response to a pressing short-term threat (known as immediate deterrence) or as strategy to stop a military conflict or short term threat from arising (known as general deterrence).

A successful deterrence policy must be considered in not only military terms, but also in political terms; specifically diplomacy (IR), policy and diplomacy. In military terms, deterrence success refers to preventing state leaders from issuing military threats and actions that escalate peacetime diplomatic and military cooperation into a crisis or militarized confrontation which threatens armed conflict and possibly war. The prevention of crises of wars however isn't the sole aim of deterrence. additionally , defending states must be ready to resist the political and military demands of a possible attacking nation. If armed conflict is avoided at the worth of diplomatic concessions to the utmost demands of the potential attacking nation under the threat of war, then it can't be claimed that deterrence has succeeded.

Furthermore, as Jentleson et al. argue, two key sets of things for successful deterrence are important being (i) a defending state strategy that firstly balances credible coercion and deft diplomacy according to the three criteria of proportionality, reciprocity, and coercive credibility, and secondly minimizes international and domestic constraints; and (ii) the extent of an attacking state's vulnerability as shaped by its domestic political and economic conditions. In broad terms, a state wishing to implement a technique of deterrence is presumably to succeed if the prices of non-compliance it can impose on, and therefore the benefits of compliance it offers to, another state are greater than the advantages of noncompliance and therefore the costs of compliance.

Deterrence theory holds that nuclear weapons are intended to discourage other states from attacking with their nuclear weapons, through the promise of retaliation and possibly mutually assured destruction (MAD). deterrence also can be applied to an attack by conventional forces; for instance , the doctrine of massive retaliation threatened to launch US nuclear weapons in response to Soviet attacks.

A successful nuclear deterrent requires that a rustic preserve its ability to retaliate, either by responding before its own weapons are destroyed or by ensuring a second strike capability. A nuclear deterrent is usually composed of a nuclear triad, as within the case of the nuclear weapons owned by the us , Russia, the People's Republic of China and India. Other countries, like the uk and France, have only sea- and air-based nuclear weapons.


Democratic Peace Theory

Democratic Peace Theory

Democratic Peace Theory  Democracies are defined differently by different theorists and researchers; this accounts for a few of the variations in their findings. Some examples:

Small and Singer (1976) define democracy as a nation that (1) holds periodic elections during which the opposition parties are as liberal to run as government parties, (2) allows a minimum of 10% of the adult population to vote, and (3) features a parliament that either controls or enjoys parity with the chief branch of the govt .

The democratic peace theory posits that democracies are hesitant to interact in armed conflict with other identified democracies. Among proponents of the democratic peace theory, several factors are held as motivating peace between democratic states:

  •  · Democratic leaders are forced to simply accept responsibility for war losses to a voting public;
  • ·        Publicly accountable statespeople are inclined to determine diplomatic institutions for resolving international tensions;
  • ·        Democracies aren't inclined to look at countries with adjacent policy and governing doctrine as hostile;
  • ·        Democracies tend to possess greater public wealth than other states, and thus eschew war to preserve infrastructure and resources.

Those who dispute this theory often do so on grounds that it conflates correlation with causation, which the tutorial definitions of 'democracy' and 'war' are often manipulated so on manufacture a man-made trend.

In Project for a Perpetual Peace (1795), Kant envisioned the establishment of a zone of peace among states constituted as republics. Although he explicitly equated democracy with despotism, contemporary scholars claim that Kant’s definition of republicanism, which emphasizes the representative nature of republican government, corresponds to our current understanding of liberal democracy. Thus, the terms democratic peace (or liberal peace) and Kantian peace are today often used interchangeably.

Though the democratic peace theory wasn't rigorously or scientifically studied until the 1960s, the essential principles of the concept had been argued as early because the 1700s within the works of philosopher Kant and political theorist Paine . Democratic Peace Theory, Kant foreshadowed the idea in his essay Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch written in 1795, although he thought that a world with only constitutional republics was just one of several necessary conditions for a perpetual peace. Kant's theory was that a majority of the people would never vote to travel to war, unless in self-defense. Therefore, if all nations were republics, it might end war, because there would be no aggressors. In earlier but less cited works, Paine made similar or stronger claims about the peaceful nature of republics. Paine wrote in "Common Sense" in 1776: "The Republics of Europe are all (and we may say always) in peace." Paine argued that kings would attend war out of pride in situations where republics wouldn't . French historian and scientist Alexis de Tocqueville also argued, in Democracy in America (1835–1840), that democratic nations were less likely to wage war.

Dean Babst, a criminologist, was the primary to try to to statistical research on this subject . His academic paper supporting the idea was published in 1964 in Wisconsin Sociologist; he published a rather more popularized version, in 1972, within the trade journal Industrial Research.Democratic Peace Theory Both versions initially received little attention.

Melvin Small and J. David Singer responded; they found an absence of wars between democratic states with two "marginal exceptions", but denied that this pattern had statistical significance. This paper was published within the Jerusalem Journal of diplomacy which finally brought more widespread attention to the idea , and began the tutorial debate. A 1983 paper by social scientist Michael W. Doyle contributed further to popularizing the idea . Rudolph J. Rummel was another early researcher and drew considerable lay attention to the topic in his later works.

Maoz and Abdolali extended the research to lesser conflicts than wars. Bremer, Maoz and Russett found the correlation between democracy and peacefulness remained significant after controlling for several possible confounding variables.This moved the idea into the mainstream of science . Supporters of realism in diplomacy et al. responded by raising many new objections. Other researchers attempted more systematic explanations of how democracy might cause peace, and of how democracy may additionally affect other aspects of foreign relations like alliances and collaboration.

Democratic Peace Theory, There are numerous further studies within the field since these pioneering works.Most studies have found some sort of democratic peace exists, although neither methodological disputes nor doubtful cases are entirely resolved.

Globalization and Globalism

Globalization and Globalism

Globalization and Globalism

Globalism and globalization came into use during the second half of the 20 th century. The question of when, and by whom, is contentious. But regardless of origins the 2 terms are utilized in distinct ways. Globalization refers to a multidimensional economic and human process beginning within the late 1970s and early 1980s which embraces a spread of interlinked economic, communicational, environmental, and political phenomena. Globalism, although it's older roots as a synonym for internationalism, has come to be used because the name of a broad ideological commitment in favor of the method of globalization—that is, of a view that sees the method of globalization as entirely or predominantly positive in its implications for humankind.

Globalists are people that wish the method of globalization to continue, and indeed intensify, although they'll also wish to possess it politically regulated or controlled in various ways. Globalists are often (though not always) also convinced that globalization, whatever its implications for human welfare, is an inevitable process that can't , and will not, be reversed. they're often contrasted with "localists," who seek to flee or overcome the issues posed by globalization through small-scale sorts of economic and cultural development and political organization that minimize involvement within the global economy.

Without science neither globalism nor globalization would be conceivable; without technology they might not be practical possibilities. The extent to which the interior ethics of science and therefore the codes of behavior of varied engineering professions influence globalism and globalization, or the degree to which independent ethical assessments should be delivered to bear on all science, technology, and globalist synergies, remains hospitable critical discussion. What follows is an analysis that aims to supply a background for such considerations.

Globalism, at its core, seeks to explain and explain nothing quite a world which is characterized by networks of connections that span multi-continental distances.

It attempts to know all the inter-connections of the fashionable world — and to spotlight patterns that underlie (and explain) them. In contrast, globalization refers to the rise or decline within the degree of globalism. It focuses on the forces, the dynamism or speed of those changes.

In short, consider globalism because the underlying basic network, while globalization refers to the dynamic shrinking of distance on an outsized scale.

Globalism may be a phenomenon with ancient roots. Thus, the difficulty isn't how old globalism is, but rather how “thin” or “thick” it's at any given time.

As an example of “thin globalism,” the Silk Road provided an economic and cultural link between ancient Europe and Asia. Getting from thin to thick globalism is globalization — and the way fast we get there's the speed of globalization. Of course, the Silk Road was plied by only alittle group of hardy traders. Its direct impact was felt primarily by alittle group of consumers along the road.

The general point is that the increasing intensity, or thickness, of globalism — the density of networks of interdependence — isn't just a difference in degree from the past. An increasing “thickness” changes relationships, because it means different relationships of interdependence intersect more deeply at more different points.

At an equivalent time, it's important to notice that globalism doesn't imply universality. After all, the connections that structure the networks to define globalism could also be more strongly felt in some parts of the planet than in others.

Both globalism and globalization are only too often defined in strictly economic terms, as if the planet economy intrinsically defined globalism. But other forms are equally important. There are four distinct dimensions of globalism: economic, military, environmental — and social.

Economic globalism involves long-distance flows of products , services and capital and therefore the information and perceptions that accompany market exchange. These flows, in turn, organize other processes linked to them. One example of economic globalization is low-wage production in Asia for the us and European markets. Economic flows, markets and organization — as in multinational firms — all go together.

Environmental globalism refers to the long-distance transport of materials within the atmosphere or oceans or of biological substances like pathogens or genetic materials that affect human health and well-being. In contrast, samples of environmental globalization include the accelerating depletion of the stratospheric ozonosphere as a results of ozone-depleting chemicals — or the spread of the AIDS virus from Central African Republic round the world beginning at the top of the 1970s.

Military globalism refers to long-distance networks during which force, and therefore the threat or promise of force, are deployed. a well known example of military globalism is that the “balance of terror” between the us and therefore the Soviet Union during the conflict — a strategic interdependence that was both acute and well-recognized. What made this interdependence distinctive wasn't that it had been totally new — but that the size and speed of the potential conflict arising from interdependence were so enormous.

Military globalization manifested itself in recent times within the tragic events of 9/11 . Here, geographical distances were shrunk because the lawless mountains of Afghanistan provided the launchpad for attacks on ny and Washington — some 4,000 miles away.

The time is social and cultural globalism. It involves movements of ideas, information, images and of individuals , who in fact carry ideas and knowledge with them.

Examples include the movement of religions — or the diffusion of knowledge domain . within the past, social globalism has often followed military and economic globalism. However, within the current era, social and cultural globalization is driven by the web , which reduces costs and globalizes communications, making the flow of ideas increasingly independent of other sorts of globalization. The division of globalism into separate dimensions, as presented above, is inevitably somewhat arbitrary. Nonetheless, it's useful for analysis, because changes within the various dimensions of globalism don't necessarily go together. for instance , economic globalism rose between 1850 and 1914 — and fell between 1914 and 1945.

However, at an equivalent time as economic globalism was declining during the 2 World Wars, military globalism rose to new heights — as did many aspects of social globalism. Take, for instance , the worldwide influenza epidemic of 1918-19, which took 21 million lives. it had been propagated by the flows of soldiers round the world.

Without a specifying adjective, general statements about globalism are often meaningless — or misleading. an equivalent applies when talking about globalization or globalism today. supported the historic evidence, we should always expect that globalism are going to be amid continuing uncertainty. 

There will be a continuing competition between increased complexity and uncertainty on the one hand — and efforts by governments, market participants et al. to grasp and manage these systems on the opposite .

In conclusion, we should always not expect or fear that globalism will cause homogenization. Instead, it'll expose us more frequently and in additional variations to the differences that surround us.


The core ideas of feminism in international relations

The core ideas of feminism in international relations

 

The core ideas of feminism in international relations

The core ideas of feminism in international relations, Feminists often contend that traditional theories conceptualise power as power over others. One such interpretation is Tickner’s feminist analysis of Morgenthau’s Six Principles of Political Realism. She observes that Morgenthau’s principles are gendered from the outset, as he builds his theory from an idea of attribute which he describes using distinctly masculine language – “To begin his look for an objective, rational theory of international politics, which could impose order on a chaotic and conflictual world, Morgenthau constructs an abstraction which he calls political man, a beast completely lacking in moral restraints”.

Feminism, the belief in social, economic, and political equality of the sexes. Although largely originating in the West, feminism is manifested worldwide and is represented by various institutions committed to activity on behalf of women’s rights and interests.

Throughout most of Western history, women were confined to the domestic sphere, while public life was reserved for men. In medieval Europe, women were denied the right to own property, to study, or to participate in public life. At the end of the 19th century in France, they were still compelled to cover their heads in public, and, in parts of Germany, a husband still had the right to sell his wife. Even as late as the early 20th century, women could neither vote nor hold elective office in Europe and in most of the United States (where several territories and states granted women’s suffrage long before the federal government did so). Women were prevented from conducting business without a male representative, be it father, brother, husband, legal agent, or even son. Married women could not exercise control over their own children without the permission of their husbands. Moreover, women had little or no access to education and were barred from most professions. In some parts of the world, such restrictions on women continue today.

Morgenthau constructs a theoretical, abstract political wilderness during which rational men compete for power in an anarchical environment. This abstraction is analogised with the state, thereby forming a notion of politics break away considerations of the private and domestic. Morgenthau’s picture of diplomacy is therefore based upon a foundation of distinctly masculine concepts of abstract, universal, rational politics, divorced from feminine notions of the private , emotional and personal . This dichotomy “is supported the necessity for control; hence objectivity becomes related to power and domination”.

Tickner suggests that Morgenthau’s efforts to dichotomise and objectivise the study of diplomacy masculinises his theory, and defines the notion of power around which his principles are based. These realist foundations produce to a male-gendered state which “for survival depends on a maximisation of power”, and therefore the power of which is predicated on domination of the opposite .

Cynthia Enloe (1989) encouraging IR scholars to ascertain the spaces that ladies inhabit in global politics and demonstrating that ladies are essential actors within the Systeme International d'Unites . The core ideas of feminism in international relations  She focused on deconstructing the distinctions between what's considered international and what's considered personal, showing how global politics impacts on and is formed by the daily activities of men and ladies – and successively how these activities rest on gendered identities. Traditionally, the military and war making are seen as masculine endeavours, linked with the thought that men are warriors and protectors, that they're legitimate armed actors who fight to guard those in need of protection – women, children and non-fighting men. In practice this has meant that the various ways in which women contribute to conflict and knowledge conflict are considered peripheral, outside the realm of IR’s considerations.

 

Feminism and peacekeeping

The core ideas of feminism in international relations Building peace after conflict is an increasingly central concern of IR scholars – especially as conflicts become broader and more complex. There also are questions regarding how post-conflict societies are to be rebuilt and the way best to stop relapses into conflict. Peacekeeping missions are a method that the international community seeks to institute sustainable peace after conflict and therefore the United Nation’s traditional peacekeeping role (understood as acting as an impartial interlocutor or monitor) has broadened considerably. Missions now frequently include a laundry list of state-building roles, including re-establishing police and military forces and building political institutions. Feminist theorists have demonstrated the ways in which peacekeeping, as security-seeking behaviour, is formed by masculine notions of militarised security. Post-conflict situations are generally characterised because the formal cessation of violence between armed combatants, ideally transitioning to a situation where the state features a monopoly on the utilization of force. it's this shift that peacekeeping missions seek to facilitate, conducting a good range of tasks like disarming combatants, facilitating peace deals between various state and non-state groups, monitoring elections and building rule of law capacity in state institutions like police forces and therefore the military.

The core ideas of feminism in international relations However, as feminist IR scholars have shown, violence against women often continues within the post-conflict period at rates commensurate to or maybe greater than during the conflict period. This includes rape and sexual abuse , violence and made prostitution, also as those selling sex to alleviate financial insecurity. The dominant approach to keeping peace often obscures these sorts of violence. Issues like gender equality and violence (and human rights) are considered ‘soft’ issues as against the ‘hard’ or real problems with military security. This understanding of peace, then, is one during which women’s security isn't central.

In terms of structural and indirect violence, women are generally excluded from positions of power and decision-making in reconstruction efforts and have limited access to economic resources. Donna Pankhurst (2008) has theorised what she terms a post-conflict backlash against women, one that's chiefly characterised by high rates of violence and restrictions on women’s access to political, economic and social resources post-conflict. The restriction of women’s access to such resources – like basic food, housing and education – makes them more vulnerable to gendered violence. This often begins with women’s exclusion from peace negotiations and deals, which instead specialise in elite actors who are predominantly men, often militarised men.

A United Nations study by Radhika Coomaraswamy (2015) found that gender in peacekeeping continues to be under-resourced politically and financially, and therefore the gendered elements of post-conflict reconstruction are still marginalised in missions. Women still experience high rates of violence post- conflict, are still excluded from peace processes and still ignored in peace- building policy. this is often demonstrated, for instance , in national and inter- national attempts to disarm former combatants after conflict and reintegrate them into post-conflict society.

The Nature and Characteristics of The State in the Third World

The Nature and Characteristics of The State in the Third World

The nature and characteristics of the state in the Third World.

The nature and characteristics of the state in the Third World,  Theories of 'the' state, in particular 'the' Third World state, have fallen far from their erstwhile theoretical pre-eminence. Caught up in the postulated dual 'impasse' of development theory' on the one hand, and of the state in international relations theory on the other, and eroded by a growing corpus of sub-state, and indeed extra-state theories, the theory of the Third World state has not fared well in the first half of the neo-classical nineties. Nor has the discourse in which the Third World state has been framed. If the mainstream development literature of the 1960s and 1970s presupposed a 'modernizing' or 'developmental' state and the Marxist approaches of the same period invoked the 'strong,' 'overdeveloped' and (relatively) 'autonomous' postcolonial state; and if the eighties produced rather more ambiguous concepts such as the 'rentier state,' the 'peripheral state' or the 'bureaucratic-authoritarian state;' The nature and characteristics of the state in the Third World, then in the nineties the imagery has turned relentlessly negative as expressed in such coinages as 'vassal state,' 'predator state,' 'vampire state,' 'receiver state,' 'prostrate state,' and even 'fictitious state,' 'show of state' or 'collapsed state.

State,' and even 'fictitious state,' 'show of state' or 'collapsed state.' The changing imagery of the Third World state reflects the new reality, particularly for states in Africa and large parts of Latin and Central American, Asia, and the Middle East as well as those Eastern European states that have now been downgraded from the Second to the Third World. This justifies the blanket term 'Third World;' and it is with this rapidly changing and evolving entity that the present contribution is concerned.

 Globalization and Neo-liberalism : The nature and characteristics of the state in the Third World , The hegemonic vision of world society for the Millennium has clearly emerged in the notion of globalization. In contrast to the still aggressively anticommunist 'New World Order' that opened the nineties, the 'kinder, gentler' - and more self-evidently hegemonic - 'globalization' of the dominant international discourse is a 'postcommunist' and even 'postimperialist' statement of a world becoming more and more unified in a progressive neo-classical and neo-liberal system proclaiming free choice, free enterprise and free labour. The end of the state-socialist challenge to hegemonic capitalism lends force to the powerful underlying myths of globalization - that it is desirable, that it is dynamic, that it is inevitable, and that, anyway, it is the only game in town. From out of the surfeit of recent literature on globalization one central leitmotif clearly emerges: it is in its core profoundly and relentlessly antistate. The overinflated, centralized and bureaucratized state is the universal villain in the neo-liberal world-view. At the state's doorstep is laid blame for the world economic crises of the mid-seventies and early eighties. Its suffocating grip is said to have held in check the many creative, entrepreneurial forces waiting to emerge.

 

Recommodification and Democratization From the perspective of the Third World state, the phenomenon of globalization can, be usefully cast in terms of a primarily economic dimension, recommodification, and a very closely related, mainly political one, formal-liberal democratization. The former concept, recommodification, The important analysis of the welfare state which, a decade ago, he saw as threatened by the power of capital because it was implicated in a 'primary contradiction' from which it could not extricate itself: on the one hand, the capitalist economy, with the profits, revenues, etc. that it generates, was historically necessary to make the welfare state work in the first place; but state intervention increased the scope of decommodification (or autonomous, unregulated spheres of social action). The nature and characteristics of the state in the Third World, However, decommodification, while it brought greater social peace and increased mass purchasing power, was in the longer term also a limitation on capital's sphere of action, flexibility and profitability and hence a threat to its power. Capital's (logical) response was to recommodify, a process which 'seeks to decrease the scope and importance of decommodified political and administrative power by resuscitating 'market forces,'" mainly by means of wresting functions and powers from the state and 'privatizing' or abolishing them.

Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is Different From Structural Realist View

Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is Different From Structural Realist View

Classical Realist’s view of international politics is different from structural realist view.

Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is different from structural realist view , Realism has dominated the academic study of international relations since the end of World War II. Realists claim to offer both the most accurate explanation of state behaviour and a set of policy prescriptions (notably the balance of power between states) for ameliorating the inherent destabilizing elements of international affairs. Realism (including neorealism) focuses on abiding patterns of interaction in an international system lacking a centralized political authority. Realism, also known as political realism, is a view of international politics that stresses its competitive and conflictual side. It is usually contrasted with idealism or liberalism, which tends to emphasize cooperation. The classical realists do not reject the possibility of moral judgment in international politics.That condition of anarchy means that the logic of international politics often differs from that of domestic politics, which is regulated by a sovereign power. Realists are generally pessimistic about the possibility of radical systemic reform. Realism is a broad tradition of thought that comprises a variety of different strands, the most distinctive of which are classical realism and neorealism.

 

Classical Realist

Realists frequently claim to draw on an ancient tradition of political thought. Among classic authors often cited by realists are Thucydides, Niccolò Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Max Weber. Realism as a self-conscious movement in the study of international relations emerged during the mid-20th century and was inspired by the British political scientist and historian E.H. Carr. Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is different from structural realist view attacked what he perceived as the dangerous and deluded “idealism” of liberal internationalists and, in particular, their belief in the possibility of progress through the construction of international institutions, such as the League of Nations. He focused instead on the perennial role of power and self-interest in determining state behaviour. The outbreak of World War II converted many scholars to that pessimistic vision. Thereafter, realism became established in American political science departments, its fortunes boosted by a number of émigré European scholars, most notably the German-born political scientist and historian Hans Morgenthau. It is the realism of Carr, Morgenthau, and their followers that is labeled classical.

 

Classical realism was not a coherent school of thought. It drew from a wide variety of sources and offered competing visions of the self, the state, and the world. Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is different from structural realist view, Whereas Carr was influenced by Marxism, Morgenthau drew on Friedrich Nietzsche, Weber, Carl Schmitt, and American civic republicanism. Classical realists were united mainly by that which they opposed. Critical of the optimism and explanatory ambition of liberal internationalists, classical realists instead stressed the various barriers to progress and reform that allegedly inhered in human nature, in political institutions, or in the structure of the international system. The fortunes of classical realism, grounded as it was in a combination of history, philosophy, and theology, waned during the era of social-scientific behaviourism in the 1960s. Its fortunes were revived by the emergence of neorealism during the 1970s.

 

Structural Realist

Structural realism is considered by many realists and antirealists alike as the most defensible form of scientific realism. There are now many forms of structural realism and an extensive literature about them. There are interesting connections with debates in metaphysics, philosophy of physics and philosophy of mathematics. This entry is intended to be a comprehensive survey of the field.

Scientific realism is the view that we ought to believe in the unobservable entities posited by our most successful scientific theories. It is widely held that the most powerful argument in favour of scientific realism is the no-miracles argument, according to which the success of science would be miraculous if scientific theories were not at least approximately true descriptions of the world. Classical Realist’s View of International Politics is different from structural realist view While the underdetermination argument is often cited as giving grounds for scepticism about theories of unobservable entities, arguably the most powerful arguments against scientific realism are based on the history of radical theory change in science. The best-known of these arguments, although not necessarily the most compelling of them, is the notorious pessimistic meta-induction, according to which reflection on the abandonment of theories in the history of science motivates the expectation that our best current scientific theories will themselves be abandoned, and hence that we ought not to assent to them.

Structural realism was introduced into contemporary philosophy of science by John Worrall in 1989 as a way to break the impasse that results from taking both arguments seriously, and have “the best of both worlds” in the debate about scientific realism.



Monday, January 18, 2021

MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21

 MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21, MGPE 013 Solved Assignment, MGPE 013 Assignment 2020-21, MGPE 013 Assignment, IGNOU Assignments 2020-21- IGNOU had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for MPS Programme for the year 2020-21. Students are recommended to download their Assignments from this webpage itself. They don’t got to go anywhere else when everything regarding the Assignments are available during this article only.

Candidates got to download the IGNOU Assignments for appearing within the Term End Examination [TEE] of IGNOU MPS Programme.

MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21  Students are advised that after successfully downloading their Assignments, you'll find each and each course assignments of your downloaded MPS Programme. Candidates need to create separate assignment for the IGNOU Master Course, in order that it's easy for Evaluators to see your assignments.


MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21

  • Answer any five questions in about 500 words each.
  • Attempt at least two questions from each section. 
  • Each question carries 20 marks.

Section I

1. Critically assess Hegel's notion of Civil Society

2. Explain the role and relevance of Civil Society Organisations.

3. Discuss various approaches to the study of Panchayati Raj Institutions.

4. Briefly explain the impact of War on Terrorism, Neo-liberal Market Economy and Political Regimes.

5. Critically analyse the anti-globalisation movement.

Section II

Write short notes on the following in about 250 words each.

6. a) Civil Society in Globalised World

b) Civil Society and National Regimes

 

7. a) Global Peace Movements

b)Anti-Nuclear Protest Movements

 

8. a) Rise of NGOs in Peace Process

b)Human Rights and Culture of Peace

 

9. a) Gandhi's Concept of Peace-building and Empowerment

b)Peoples initiatives on decentralization

 

10. a) Gramscian concept of civil society

b)Anti-Globalisation Movements

MGPE 013 Solved Assignment 2020-21; MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21;MGPE 013 Assignment 2020-21

IGNOU Assignment Status 2020-21

MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21 Those students who had successfully submitted their Assignments to their allocated study centres can now check their Assignment Status. Alongside assignment status, they will also checkout their assignment marks & result. All this is often available in a web mode. After submitting the assignment, you'll check you IGNOU Assignment Status only after 3-4 weeks. it'd take 40 days to declare.

MGPE 013 CIVIL SOCIETY, POLITICAL REGIMES AND CONFLICT Solved Assignment 2020-21 Once the TEE assignments are submitted to the Centres, it's send to the evaluation department. After which the evaluation of IGNOU Assignment Solutions takes place.

 

Is Ignou assignment submission date extended 2021?

IGNOU Assignment Latest- The last date for submission of Assignments for June 2020 Term-end-Examination has been extended up to 30th April 2021 .

 

Is it compulsory to submit IGNOU MPS  assignments online?

IGNOU Online Assignment Submission is compulsory now. IGNOU will not accept the offline assignments and students needs to submit it online only. On 12th April 2020, IGNOU has made it clear that submission of the assignments will be in online mode only.

 

How do I submit an assignment online?

So, ignou is accepting all assignments by Online medium. You need to send soft copy of your assignment to IGNOU regional center's mail id, Or on google form. in this article, you will know how to submit IGNOU assignments online.

 

PDF & Handwritten

WhatsApp 8130208920

MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21

 MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21, MGPE 011 Solved Assignment, MGPE 011 Assignment 2020-21, MGPE 011 Assignment, IGNOU Assignments 2020-21- IGNOU had recently uploaded the assignments of the present session for MPS Programme for the year 2020-21. Students are recommended to download their Assignments from this webpage itself. They don’t got to go anywhere else when everything regarding the Assignments are available during this article only.

Candidates got to download the IGNOU Assignments for appearing within the Term End Examination [TEE] of IGNOU MPS Programme.

MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21  Students are advised that after successfully downloading their Assignments, you'll find each and each course assignments of your downloaded MPS Programme. Candidates need to create separate assignment for the IGNOU Master Course, in order that it's easy for Evaluators to see your assignments.


MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21

  • Answer any five questions in about 500 words each.
  • Attempt at least two questions from each section. 
  • Each question carries 20 marks.

Section I

1. Examine the evolution and concept of Human Security and its significance for the welfare of the disadvantaged people in society.

2. Discuss the interdependence between Human Security and Human Development.

3. Explain the following in about 250 words each:

a) Relation between Human Security and Peace Building

b) Gandhian Vision of Human Security

4. Discuss Dr. Mahatub-ul-Haq's contribution to the concept of Human Development and Human Security.

5. Explain various features of the rural unorganised labour. Suggest some measures to empower them.

Section II

Write short notes on the following in about 250 words each.

6. a) Galtung's idea of Structural Violence

b) Measures for women empowerment in India.

 

7. a) New Global Order

b)Human Security in India

 

8. a) Food Security and Global Concerns

b) Human Security and Poverty Eradication

 

9. a) Gene Sharp’s approach to strategic non-violent conflict transformation

b) State Violence in South Asia

 

10. a) Practices of Gandhian thought for International Co-operation

b) Traditional Security versus Human Security

MGPE 011 Solved Assignment 2020-21; MGPE 011 Assignment 2020-21

 

IGNOU Assignment Status 2020-21

MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21 Those students who had successfully submitted their Assignments to their allocated study centres can now check their Assignment Status. Alongside assignment status, they will also checkout their assignment marks & result. All this is often available in a web mode. After submitting the assignment, you'll check you IGNOU Assignment Status only after 3-4 weeks. it'd take 40 days to declare.

MGPE 011 HUMAN SECURITY Solved Assignment 2020-21 Once the TEE assignments are submitted to the Centres, it's send to the evaluation department. After which the evaluation of IGNOU Assignment Solutions takes place.

 

Is Ignou assignment submission date extended 2021?

IGNOU Assignment Latest- The last date for submission of Assignments for June 2020 Term-end-Examination has been extended up to 30th April 2021 .

 

Is it compulsory to submit IGNOU MPS  assignments online?

IGNOU Online Assignment Submission is compulsory now. IGNOU will not accept the offline assignments and students needs to submit it online only. On 12th April 2020, IGNOU has made it clear that submission of the assignments will be in online mode only.

 

How do I submit an assignment online?

So, ignou is accepting all assignments by Online medium. You need to send soft copy of your assignment to IGNOU regional center's mail id, Or on google form. in this article, you will know how to submit IGNOU assignments online.

 

PDF & Handwritten

WhatsApp 8130208920

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