Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

 

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

Introduction

In her influential article on the idea of plural neoliberalisms, Wendy Larner stated that ‘Developments in the ‘periphery’ may be as significant, if not more so, than those in the ‘core’ in explaining the spread of neoliberalism’. While this applies to the Global South in general, Latin America’s experiences of the realities of Neoliberalism are deep-rooted. Description of this influence of neo-liberal thinking can be traced back to the early 1960s particularly in the cases of Brazil and Colombia and Chile .

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

There is broad consensus that Chile constituted the first ‘neoliberal' experiment in the world. Chile is a unique case in which a brutal military dictatorship paved the way for the application of wholesale market reforms without any opposition permitted. As pointed out by María Eugenia Romero Sotelo, corporate interests and local ruling classes were on the frontline diffusing the economic and intellectual ideas of the Neoliberals.

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

Recent literature has also emphasised the necessity of developing a decolonial Global South based view of neoliberalism, one that debunks or at least relativizes the predominant narrative which portrays neoliberal ideas and policies as essentially European exports which travelled and landed with greater or lesser degrees of success in Latin American lands What makes Latin American countries an instructive case for observing the politics of neoliberalism What are the specificities of the region What makes the Latin American trajectory towards neoliberalism so paradigmatic There are at least four themes that can account for the specificities of the neoliberal development in the region.

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America


As I will show in the next section, neoliberal reforms were initiated during the 1970s and 1980s in most Latin American countries as a developmental strategy to supersede the import substitution industralization model (ISI).

The ISI model worked under the premise that economic modernization in the form of industrialization would work as the foundation for the flourishing of democratic institutions. However, as the Argentine political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell famously pointed out, at the political level, industrialization was followed not by democracy but rather by authoritarian-bureaucratic states .

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

O'Donnell coined the term ‘bureaucratic-authoritarianism' to refer to a specific type of state, arising first in Brazil (1964) and then in Argentina (1964, 1976), and spreading to Chile (1973) and Uruguay (1973) under military rule. It was based on a technocratic approach to policy, an exclusionary approach to the popular sector, and a closed non-democratic political system.

Although some authors see in the authoritarian-bureaucratic state the point of departure of neoliberal reforms, others have stressed the discontinuities between a type of state still oriented toward industrialization and a state which triggered the reprimarization of national economies towards favouring the export sector .

Democratization, neoliberalization and the legacies of authoritarianism

As I will show in the next section, neoliberal reforms were initiated during the 1970s and 1980s in most Latin American countries as a developmental strategy to supersede the import substitution industralization model (ISI). The ISI model worked under the premise that economic modernization in the form of industrialization would work as the foundation for the flourishing of democratic institutions (Collier & Cardoso, 1979). However, as the Argentine political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell famously pointed out, at the political level, industrialization was followed not by democracy but rather by authoritarian-bureaucratic states (O'donnell, 1978). O'Donnell coined the term ‘bureaucratic-authoritarianism' to refer to a specific type of state, arising first in Brazil (1964) and then in Argentina (1964, 1976), and spreading to Chile (1973) and Uruguay (1973) under military rule. It was based on a technocratic approach to policy, an exclusionary approach to the popular sector, and a closed non-democratic political system. Although some authors see in the authoritarian-bureaucratic state the point of departure of neoliberal reforms (Cavarozzi, 1992), others have stressed the discontinuities between a type of state still oriented toward industrialization and a state which triggered the reprimarization of national economies towards favouring the export sector (Schamis, 1991).

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

By the late 80s, in an international context marked by the globalization of markets, nearly all Latin American countries had to some degree adopted neoliberal reforms. Even though the majority of neoliberal reforms programs were initiated under democratically elected governments (Remmer, 1998), the origins of neoliberalism in the region are closely attached to democratization, understood as the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule, in international and regional contexts marked by the oil crises and the debt crises respectively. Consequently, what specifically characterises the development of neoliberalism in the region is first the legacies of authoritarianism (including the so called ‘authoritarian enclaves') (Garretón, 2004; O'Donnell et al., 2013) and second, the type of democracies that these processes brought about in the region, including the scarce redistribution of power and the extents of the exclusion of the popular sectors (Schmitter, 2014).

The ‘persistence of inequality' and the coloniality of power

Divergent from countries in the Global North, Latin American countries paths towards development, indeed the very idea of development, have been strongly conditioned by its colonial past and its relationship of dependence and subordination with the core economies, as well as the structures of power resulting from these asymmetries. While some approaches trace back persistent inequalities in many areas of Latin America's social and political life to the colonial period, suggesting the past explains, to a large extent, recent and current economic disparities (De Ferranti et al., 2004), others have proposed a more nuanced stand based around fined grained analysis of how land inequality derived from the colonial haciendas and encomienda systems, fed specifically into income and other asset inequalities (Frankema, 2009). Furthermore, other approaches have emphasised the socio-cultural, economic and political contexts in which those inequalities are reproduced, contained or reshaped, and of the ways in which colonialism—considered as a matrix of power relations—operates at interactional, institutional and structural levels (Quijano, 2007).

Rise of neo-liberalism in Latin America

The Peruvian sociologist Anibal Quijano developed the concept of the coloniality of power to account for the entangled ways in which relations of subordination and discrimination initiated during colonial rule and has been subsequently reproduced after colonial administration ended (Quijano, 2007, 2008). This approach has undergone several reformulations which emphasise the continuities of the racial, sexual, political and epistemic hierarchies of the colonial past—based on the supposed superiority of European versus Non-Europeans—and on the pertinence to present times (Grosfoguel, 2011; Lugones, 2007, 2016). The entanglement between these structures of power and domination and Latin American countries' uneven integration into the international division of labour provides a distinctive context that has impacted in particular ways upon the rise and subsequent developments of neoliberalism in the region.

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