The impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India

Introduction

Under the British Raj, the farmers did not have the ownership of the lands they cultivated, the landlordship of the land lied with the Zamindars, Jagirdars etc. Several important issues confronted the government and stood as a challenge in front of independent India. Land was concentrated in the hands of a few and there was a proliferation of intermediaries who had no vested interest in self-cultivation. Leasing out land was a common practice. The tenancy contracts were expropriative in nature and tenant exploitation was almost everywhere.

The impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India

Land records were in extremely bad shape giving rise to a mass of litigation. One problem of agriculture was that the land was fragmented into very small parts l for commercial farming. It resulted in inefficient use of soil, capital, and labour in the form of boundary lands and boundary disputes. A committee, under the Chairmanship of J. C. Kumarappan was appointed to look into the problem of land. The Kumarappa Committee's report recommended comprehensive agrarian reform measures. The Land Reforms of the independent India had four components:

· The Abolition of the Intermediaries

· Tenancy Reforms

· Fixing Ceilings on Landholdings

· Consolidation of Landholdings

These were taken in phases because of the need to establish a political will for their wider acceptance of these reforms. Abolition of the Intermediaries Abolition of the zamindari system: The first important legislation was the abolition of the zamindari system, which removed the layer of intermediaries who stood between the cultivators and the state. The reform was relatively the most effective than the other reforms, for in most areas it succeeded in taking away the superior rights of the zamindars over the land and weakening their economic and political power.

The impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India

The reform was made to strengthen the actual landholders, the cultivators. Advantages: The abolition of intermediaries made almost 2 crore tenants the owners of the land they cultivated. The abolition of intermediaries has led to the end of a parasite class. More lands have been brought to government possession for distribution to landless farmers. A considerable area of cultivable waste land and private forests belonging to the intermediaries has been vested in the State.

The legal abolition brought the cultivators in direct contact with the government. Disadvantages: However, zamindari abolition did not wipe out landlordism or the tenancy or sharecropping systems, which continued in many areas. It only removed the top layer of landlords in the multi-layered agrarian structure. It has led to large-scale eviction. Large-scale eviction, in turn, has given rise to several problems – social, economic, administrative and legal.

The impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India

Issues: While the states of J&K and West Bengal legalised the abolition, in other states, intermediaries were allowed to retain possession of lands under their personal cultivation without limit being set. Besides, in some states, the law applied only to tenant interests like sairati mahals etc. and not to agricultural holdings. Therefore, many large intermediaries continued to exist even after the formal abolition of zamindari. It led to large-scale eviction which in turn gave rise to several socio-economic and administrative problems. After passing the Zamindari Abolition Acts, the next major problem was of tenancy regulation.

The impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India

The rent paid by the tenants during the pre-independence period was exorbitant; between 35% and 75% of gross produce throughout India. Tenancy reforms introduced to regulate rent, provide security of tenure and confer ownership to tenants. With the enactment of legislation (early 1950s) for regulating the rent payable by the cultivators, fair rent was fixed at 20% to 25% of the gross produce level in all the states except Punjab, Haryana, Jammu and Kashmir, Tamil Nadu, and some parts of Andhra Pradesh.

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Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India

Introduction

Modern states are large and complex with several cultural and economic problems and historical experiences add complexity to their problems. Since independence Indian state has to deal with the demands of separate statehood largely based on language, culture, ethnicity, religion etc. Later the basis for separate statehood demands were largely shifted to better governance and greater participation, administrative convenience, economic viability in the developmental needs of sub regions. The very beginning of 21st century in India also witnessed the creation of three new states- Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand and Jharkhand and more recently Telangana got the separate statehood.

Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India

As democracy takes firm roots such aspirations also grow. The hitherto neglected sections of the populations realise their own importance, demand new provinces or states want new borders and secure autonomy. In the 1950’s there was urging demand in the people, especially in the Telugu speaking population, for reorganisation of states on lingual lines. Potti Sreeramulu started indefinite fast for supporting his cause of states reorganisation. His death on 56th day of fast resulted in widespread violence and the government was forced to constitute a State Reorganisation Commission. In 1953, the first state of Andhra Pradesh was created on basis of language. On the basis of the recommendations of State Reorganisation Commission in 1956, 14 states and 6 UTs were created. Vidarbha: It comprises the Amravati and Nagpur divisions of eastern Maharashtra.

The State Reorganisation Act of 1956 recommended the creation of Vidarbha state with Nagpur as the capital, but instead it was included in Maharashtra state, which was formed on May 1, 1960. Backwardness of region due to the neglect of successive state governments, is justified as the basis for demand of separate state of Vidarbha. Delhi: 69th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1991, inserted Article 239AA in Indian constitution which grants Special Status to Delhi among Union Territories (UTs). The amendment does not provide Delhi with the recognition of a full fledged state as Public Order, Police & Land in NCT of Delhi fall within the domain and control of Central Government.

Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India

To gain the control of such substantive powers, Delhi government is aspiring for full statehood. The question of the division of Uttar Pradesh into four states was a major poll issue during the build up to the 2012 UP Assembly Elections. In 2011, then UP Chief Minister and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief, Mayawati, passed a resolution in the Assembly to split UP into four smaller states – Purvanchal, Bundelkhand, Awadh Pradesh and Paschim Pradesh – in the interest of providing better administration. The resolution later got stuck with the Congress government at the centre. Historically, the state comprised provinces that were collectively called ‘The United Provinces of Agra and Oudh’. This was shortened by the Government of India Act 1935 to United Provinces and was later renamed Uttar Pradesh (as the term ‘province’ didn’t fit in with the idea of Republic).

Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India

In 1955, Ambedkar proposed the idea of splitting UP into three states – through his book, ‘Thoughts On Linguistic States’. He suggested the creation of three states, with Meerut as the capital of the Western Region, Allahabad as the capital of the Eastern Region and Kanpur as the capital of the Central region. This is what the BSP had in mind while proposing the split in 2011.

Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India

Harit Pradesh: It consists agriculturally dominated districts of Western Uttar Pradesh. Purvanchal: It is a geographic region of north-central India, which comprises the eastern end of Uttar Pradesh state. It is bounded by Nepal to the north, Bihar state to the east, Bagelkhand region of Madhya Pradesh state to the south, the Awadh region of Uttar Pradesh to the west. Purvanchal comprises three divisions – Awadhi region in the west, Bhojpuri region in the east and the Baghelkhand region in the south.

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The rise of Backward Class movements in India

Introduction

Historically speaking, India is of those countries where there is a maximum number of downtrodden sections. The idea of education especially western education was made compulsory for superior classes only. Moreover, lower castes were detached from every cultural and religious activity. M.N. Srinivas described that more Sanskritization was not adequate for the lower classes. Therefore, backward class movements were obvious to break where only one caste, i.e., Brahmins was enjoying everything.

The rise of Backward Class movements in India

Due to the diverse count of backward classes, it is very difficult to define them. Scholars like M S A Rao differentiate them into 3 categories. Landed class backward classes, non – landed service class and Untouchables. These are generally below upper castes and above schedules castes. According to the Kaka Kalekar Commission of 1952, there are more than 3000 backward classes which form 52% of the Indian population. The movements were triggered by numerous factors like British policies, improper land distribution, and growth of western education, the extension of the railway network and all over the popularity of modern politics. These led poor people to realize the extent of using hard power and soft power against them. M S A Rao classified such movements into three big categories which are Brahmins vs others, Brahmins vs lower nor – Brahmins and Dalit vs all others.

Some backward class movements are:

Satya Shodhak Samaj:

Jyotirao Govindrao Phule was known for his struggles to uplift lower castes. This society was established by him in 1873 He belonged to a Mali caste; he faced exploitation and humiliation. These circumstances led him to turn against caste inequalities. He criticized Brahmins and the congress party due to its ignorant attitude towards weaker sections. The main aim was to free Shudras and Ati Shudras from suppression. This movement condemned Brahmins for being mediators between God and his followers. Phule believed that no one can become an intermediary in religious matters. He wanted the representation of all classes in local bodies and services. The movement emphasized education for a social change and revolution. For the same, he opened many educational institutions. He was also elected as a member of the Poona Municipal Committee in 1876 and honored with the title of ‘Mahatma’ in 1888. The efforts led to the scope of reservation for underprivileged and weaker sections in the Constitution.

The rise of Backward Class movements in India

Shri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam Movement:

The SN is also an important pre-independence movement. It was founded in Kerala in 1903 under the leadership of Shri Narayana Guru. He faced humiliation in various forms because he belonged to a backward Ezhava caste. The caste constitutes 26% of the total Kerala’s population. The problem of traditional caste hierarchy was prevailing and people suffered from many humiliating causes. It was against the conflict between depressed class and upper-class people. Moreover, the common thing here also was suppression caused by the Brahmins. He took a motive called ‘SNDP Yogam’. Several issues like government employment, biased temple entry, education, political representation, etc. were taken out under this act. The movement brought transformations in social positions and helped in bringing social mobility. He studied many religious and marital rituals and simplified them. Wrapping up his every beneficial step he gave one slogan “one religion, one caste, and one God for mankind”.

The rise of Backward Class movements in India

Justice Party:

There was a lack of representation of non – Brahmins. India was fighting against the colonial rule but on another side, a real fight continued for the liberation of weaker sections. In the Madras presidency, they were left illiterate and not allowed in various public places. The political scenario was dominating with no job security for backward class masses. In 1916, nearly 30 essential non-Brahmin leaders took a stand and formed South Indian Liberation Federation (SILF) which was popularly famous as Justice Party. It released a very crucial document as non-Brahmins manifesto in December 1916 that later formed the basis for Dravidian Movement. Tamil Nadu gained many advantageous results from the Justice Party and shaped its social and political justice. Moreover, the party was not male dominating because it played a vital role in promoting women to contest elections. It paved a way for Muthulakshmi Reddy to designate as a first woman legislator. Nair claimed that this movement also affected north India. The party formed a new faith among people about political scenes.

The rise of Backward Class movements in India

The Self respect movement:

Comparatively, South India faced more violent movements than north India. The position of Brahmins in southern parts was discriminatory and high. Organizations like Arya Samaj in North India helped these areas to be united and equal to a great limit. The self-respect movement broke out in 1925 by Ramasamy Niacker. It was started to uplift Dravidian people, expose Brahmins tyranny and those ways through which high-class people were controlling every authority. This movement holds the ideas of equal human rights. He wanted to advocate a separate Dravida Nation. He also backed the creation of Pakistan because this might help in creating a Dravida nation. The basic dogma for this separatist idea was that the lower classes and non – Brahmins were facing a lot of heinous issues. It would help them to get rid of these difficulties. He wanted that nation as an egalitarian society. His principal motive was to remove every religious motto which justifies ill practices and evils. His ideas were violent and he urged every non – Brahmin to boycott Brahmin ceremonies. Then this Dravidian movement later involved in politics and formed DMK that was supported by backward and Dalits of Tamil Nadu.

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Describe Dalit politicization, bringing out its significance

Introduction

The present presidential candidate nominations shows how “Dalit as a subject” has become an instrument of power for the upper caste political parties. About a decade ago, Gail Omvedt observed that Dalit assertion is a democratic upsurge in Indian society. This emphasis on electoral democracy only sidelined the Dalit movement. And evidently, in contrast, Dalits still remain to be a struggling mass. Hardly any justice is served through the state mechanism regarding caste atrocities. Liz Mathew has reported in the Indian Express about “The Dalit Push”– the politicization of Dalit by the upper caste parties in order to secure their own interests. This is apparent in the political vision of BJP. Dalit inclusion in the party is merely a number so as to appeal to the Dalit community to procure votes. This further creates a divide within the Dalit community. I argue here that “Dalit has become a political currency” – to be used, misused and reused in Indian Politics. The question that needs to be addressed here is why is there so much emphasis on Dalit?

Describe Dalit politicization, bringing out its significance

Essentially, a Dalit is someone who counters the Hindu Philosophy, who fights against the caste system, so his/her participation in the hegemonic party becomes very crucial. The Dalit community is further divided into Mahars, Chamars, Kolis, Pasis, Balmikis etc., – although not equal in their gradation, they have a similar experience of caste discrimination based on their caste location sanctified by Hindu religion. In this context, it is important to note that BJP is unable to politicize the Mahars, Chamars or the Malas in vast numbers as compared to other Dalit sub-castes. It is observed that in Maharashtra, the Mahars support Congress; in Andhra Pradesh, the Malas support Congress; in Uttar Pradesh the Chamars (and a few other Dalit communities) support BSP. But evidently, BJP is increasingly successful in mobilizing Dalits by targeting the smaller castes of the Dalit community. This appropriation is a selective method not without intent: as persuading the assertive Dalit communities like Chamar, Mahar or Mala is difficult, the smaller sub-castes become an easy approach. This indicates that Dalit movement has not reached the smaller and less empowered sub-castes. This is the reason why Mangs of Maharashtra; Kolis, Pasis, Valmikis in Uttar Pradesh; Keunt (fisherman) in Odisha and other Dalit communities still remain under the Hindu fold.

Describe Dalit politicization, bringing out its significance

This appropriation is not merely a political strategy in the electoral politics but is pervasive and dangerous to the Dalit movement. In other words, BJP is distorting the history of Dalit icons, their memory, struggle, and philosophy. A comparative study between Congress and BJP regarding Dalit political autonomy indicates that a Dalit in Congress is more influential than the Dalit in BJP (particularly concerning the education policies and Prevention of Atrocity Act, 1989). Political autonomy of Dalits, in its true sense, has been compromised right since the signing of the Poona Pact with the joint electoral system. In the history of Dalit politics, both Congress and BJP pitch Dalit candidates against autonomous Dalit politics, as they fear an independent Dalit political representation. This is a puzzle in social movements and politics all around the world, for example, the Blacks are being used by Whites as a matter of representation.

This raises an important question – why is the oppressed community taking part in the political game of the oppressor and becoming their “stooge”. Is this ambiguity associated with just a human tendency or is this shift a bolt from many accusations (being labelled as criminal, anti-national, etc.) by the state which targets only the protesters? For instance, Ramdas Athwale from Maharashtra was a part of the Dalit Panther movement, which is regarded as one of the radical Dalit movements in India. He is a member of the Republican Party of India, he fought against the caste system and Hinduism, and same is the case with Udit Raj of Delhi. Udit Raj left Hinduism and converted to Buddhism. What then led to the compromise of this radical potential force? A possible immediate answer would be Brahminism, which is responsible for this moral corruption. A historical example can be given here, how Buddha as a liberative figure is being appropriated. Dalit politics has been grappling with this problem for a long time. This implies that people change their positions in accordance with potential opportunities. But this is a matter of philosophical concern and my only aim here is to point out the consequence of these Dalit leaders surrendering themselves to the upper caste political parties.

Describe Dalit politicization, bringing out its significance

The problem of Dalit representation is created by the upper castes. This raises various questions–which direction is Dalit politics moving in and who is a real Dalit? The Dalit subject has become a key force in Indian politics today in order to defeat BJP. BJP claims to be the real Dalit sympathizer with large numbers of Dalit parliamentarians and assembly members. Same was the situation with Congress over the past decade. A real representative of Dalit is the one who consistently fights against injustice and violence when their community is being victimized. A real Dalit representative carries in him an anti-caste resistance, who not only fights against the caste system and oppressive Brahminism but also against patriarchy, class division, and inhumanity. Mere Dalit consciousness cannot provide for real progress as seen in the case of Athwale and Udit Raj. It looks like the Dalit representatives are caught under the pale of Brahminism in the parliament and assembly. These Dalit representatives destroy the Dalit assertion and consciousness as they hardly ever voice against the violence and injustice done to their community.

This is a major drawback of the electoral democracy. Earlier, Brahminism was imposed through forceful regulations and penalties as opposed to the modern democratic setup. Brahminism has now adopted a much-disguised form, a subtle way to re-manifest its hidden agenda through different election strategies, polarizing communities, appropriating icons, etc. The present scenario of Indian politics leaves us with two opposing choices, i.e., Brahminism and Democracy. After about seven decades, people still fail to realize the dangers of Brahminism. The uprising of Right Wing politics is not a one-day product. The consequence is a terrifying Hindutva. Hindutva is a hard manifestation of Brahminism.

Describe Dalit politicization, bringing out its significance

Ambedkar had rightly warned us against the menace of Brahminism. But Ambedkar himself has become a political tool in the hands of BJP – his name used only to attract members from different Dalit communities. BJP is trying to erase the memory of Ambedkar’s struggle against Brahminism on which the entire Dalit movement has been built. Dalit representation in BJP creates a divide within the community which is precisely what BJP is aiming for. The present political scenario in India, one camp tries to use Dalit political question to challenge Hindutva politics, on the other side, RSS cadre is being pitched to say that she/he is real Dalit. This is visible in our presidential election. One must notice that to some extent Ambedkar is not relevant to compare with Hindu untouchable identity. Because Ambedkar is difficult to appropriate, but a Hindu untouchable like Ram Nath Kovind is not. 

Furthermore, I would say, the Congress, Left and other socialists parties played the card of secularism and could not reject the danger of Hinduism. All these self-proclaimed progressive and pseudo-secular forces happy to be a Hindu –Brahmin or Yadav never question –how RSS/BJP translates Hindu into Hindutva. Even with the presence of Dalit representatives in the upper caste political parties, there is still a rising of Hindutva which only implies that the Dalit subject is nothing more than a political currency in order to acquire seats.

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The issues and concerns of environmental movements in India

Introduction

An Environmental movements is a type of social movement that involves an array of individuals, groups and coalitions that perceive a common interest in environmental protection and act to bring about changes in environmental policies and practices. Environmental and ecological movements are among the important examples of the collective actions of several social groups.

The issues and concerns of environmental movements in India

Cause of Environmental Movements

·      The increasing confrontation with nature in the form of industrial growth, degradation of natural resources, and occurrence of natural calamities, has resulted in imbalances in the bio-spheric system. 

·      Major reasons for the emergence of environmental movements in India are as follows:

·      Control over natural resources

·      False developmental policies of the government 

·      Right of access to forest resources

·      Non-commercial use of natural resources

·      Social justice/human rights

·      Socioeconomic reasons

·      Environmental degradation/destruction and

·      Spread of environmental awareness and media

Many environmental movements have emerged in India, especially after the 1970s. These movements have grown out of a series of independent responses to local issues in different places at different times. 

Some of the best known environmental movements in India have been briefly described below:

The Silent Valley Movement

·      The silent valley is located in the Palghat district of Kerala.

·      It is surrounded by different hills of the State. 

·      The idea of a dam on the river Kunthipuzha in this hill system was conceived by the British in 1929. 

·      The technical feasibility survey was carried out in 1958 and the project was sanctioned by the Planning Commission of the Government of India in 1973. 

·      In 1978, the movement against the project from all corners was raised from all sections of the population. 

·      The movement was first initiated by the local people and was subsequently taken over by the Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP). 

·      Many environmental groups like the Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA), Bombay Natural History Society (BNHS) and Silent Valley Action Forum participated in the campaign. 

Bishnoi Movement

The issues and concerns of environmental movements in India

Amrita Devi led this effort, in which 363 people gave their lives for the preservation of their forests. This was the first movement of its sort to establish the concept of hugging or embracing trees for their protection on an ad hoc basis. This moment is popularly known as the Bishnoi movement.

Chipko Movement

·      The Chipko movement in India is one of the world’s most well-known environmental movements. The Chipko movement attracted international attention to the Alaknanda drainage basin’s environmental problems in the midwestern Himalayas. The Chipko movement, which began in the pre-independence era to protect Himalayan forests from destruction, has its origins there

·      During the early decades of the twentieth century, many protests against colonial forest policies were organised. The people’s principal demand during these rallies was that the forest’s benefits, particularly the right to fodder, be distributed to local people. In 1960, a massive road network was built in the area for border security purposes, in addition to taking on numerous other types of undertakings.

·      All of this was devastating for the area’s woodlands as well as the overall ecology. The removal of trees and then rolling them down slopes weakened the higher soil, which was eroded even more during rain, resulting in the terrible Alaknanda flood of 1970 July, which wreaked devastation in the upper area of the catchment

·      During the 1970s flood, Dasholi Gram Sarajya Mandal, Gopeswar, a social service organisation in Uttarakhand, came to help with rescue efforts

·      The Mandal’s volunteers understood that land and forest, as well as man and forest, we’re all intertwined. Then they began teaching the public about the negative consequences of deforestation on the slopes, eventually forming a movement

·      The movement’s name, ‘Chipko,’ is derived from the Hindi word ’embrace’. The people are alleged to have hugged, embraced, or adhered to the forest trees to keep them from being felled by the contractors. In a meeting in the Mandal on April 1, 1973, Chandi Prasad Bhatt proposed the concept of ‘loving’ the trees to fight tree chopping. The name ‘Chipko’ comes from a mutually agreed-upon tactic of clinging to trees as nonviolent direct action

Appiko movement

The issues and concerns of environmental movements in India

·      One of India’s forest-based environmental movements is the Appiko Movement. The protest took place in the Western Ghats of Karnataka’s Uttara Kannada district.The ‘forest district’ of Karnataka is Uttar Kannada, which is part of the Western Ghats

·      The area has a lot of woodland and a good microclimate for income crops like black pepper and cardamom. The rich forest resources were used during colonial control; teak trees were chopped to build ships, and timber and fuel woods were brought to Mumbai

·      The government began chopping trees for revenue after independence, and the forest department, which continued the colonial forest policy, transformed the tropical rainforests into monoculture teak and eucalyptus plantations

·      Protesting plans to establish teak plantations, a group of Balegadde village youngsters wrote to forest officials, requesting that they not cut the natural forest. However, this request was turned down. The peasants then agreed to start a movement

·      S. L. Bahuguna, the Chipko movement’s architect, was requested to gather locals to take an oath to safeguard trees by embracing them. People hugged the trees when the axe-men came down the Kalase forests in September 1983, and the ‘Appiko movement’ was born

·      The Appiko movement was successful in achieving its goals of preserving current forest cover, replanting trees on degraded land, and harnessing forest riches while keeping natural resources in mind

·      The Appiko movement rescued the people’s fundamental life resources, such as bamboo trees, which could be used to make handcrafted products that they could sell for a few rupees. It also preserved medicinal trees for local people to use

Narmada Bachao Andolan

The issues and concerns of environmental movements in India

·      The struggle against the Narmada River Valley Project is India’s most well-known environmental movement. The Narmada is the Indian peninsula’s greatest west-flowing river. In a sequence of falls, the Narmada weaves its way to the Arabian Sea across 1,312 kilometres through gorgeous forested hills, lush agricultural plains, and tiny rocky gorges

·      The Narmada River Development Project, which involves the construction of thirty huge dams and several smaller ones on the river and its fifty-one main tributaries, is one of the world’s largest multipurpose water projects. The initiative will improve food production and hydropower generation in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra, as well as reshape the valley and the lifestyle of its population

·      Dams and reservoirs will displace 1 million people and sink 350,000 ha of forestland and 200,000 hectares of agricultural land, according to estimates. The Sardar Sarovar Dam, which is now being built in Gujarat, is experiencing strong opposition from tribal tribes that hunt and graze in the forest gorges, as well as peasants who would be displaced by the reservoir’s inundation, which will submerge over 40,000 hectares of land and 250 settlements

·      The movement’s current leaders, such as Medha Patkar, are seeking to provide adequate rehabilitation programmes for those who have been displaced by the project. Human rights advocates have been the articulators of anti-dam protests as a result of the state’s poor implementation of rehabilitation programmes. Their demands included the dam’s complete closure, as well as resettlement and rehabilitation benefits for the displaced people

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The Gandhian approach to the study of social movements

Introduction

Gandhi gave an altogether different perspective to the understanding of the social problems. His views on social problems are contained in his ideas of sarvodaya and swaraj. Gandhi’s views are based on the values of truth and non-violence. Gandhi regarded society to be a unified organisation. Thus he was not in agreement with the Marxists. According to Gandhi, though the interests of different classes may clash, the fact of conflict of interest does not assume primacy over the unity of the community. Thus, the unity of purpose of the whole community is predominant in Gandhian explanation. Cooperation rather than conflict is the chief characteristic of the society. Different classes forming a community work
together or cooperate to achieve the well being of the community as a whole.

The Gandhian approach to the study of social movements

Gandhi rejected the view that by reorganising society economically, the social, political and cultural problems would end. Simply economic restructuring of the society cannot ensure solution to social problems. The changes to be brought should be all pervasive. Radical changes have to be brought about in economic, social, political and cultural spheres of the community. The Gandhian approach opposes the theory of violent revolution and coercive change. The revolution has to be a gradual process and should be brought about by awakening of masses. Thus, a programme of social, economic, cultural and political awakening of the masses has to be undertaken to overcome the social problems. Gandhi was opposed to the introduction of vast economic, social and cultural changes through legislation. The society must change itself gradually by its own initiative and efforts. Legislation may facilitate the changes when society itself is moving in the same direction. Changes should not be imposed on the society.

Gandhian approach offers a critique of the existing order, propounds certain basic elements of a new society and provides a methodology for solving social problems. Critics have argued that Gandhian approach lacks originality and is a combination of the traditional Indian thinking, welfare thinking and liberalism. It is idealistic and divorced from the hard social realities. However, it must be remembered that it was applied successfully by blacks in the USA and in South Africa and even by the people in the Eastern Europe to fight against communalism.

BASIC PHILOSOPHY

The central feature of Gandhi’s thought is that it is man centred, not system centred. Its premise is the moral autonomy of man and the possibility of his lasting liberation from his own lower self and the impersonal and compelling dictates of the structure of society. The ideal social order is that which gives man the opportunity to realize his moral autonomy and encourages him always to exercise this autonomy in an enlightened manner that is conducive to individual and collective well-being. The movement from the existing imperfect state of man and society towards perfection requires the inculcation of certain fundamental values by man along with the establishment of social instrumentalities, which will promote and ensure the perennial primacy of these values. However, Gandhi postulates the inseparability of ‘ends’ (values) and ‘means’ (instrumentalities) that is the dialectical unity of cause and effect. Therefore, a logical discrimination between values and instrumentalities is not possible – nor even desirable – in his thought.

The Gandhian approach to the study of social movements

We may identify the basic issues of social change prescribed by Gandhi as the institution of human dignity and equality; the elevation of labour to a high dignity; the quest for self-reliance; the propagation of the principle of trusteeship; the pursuit of truth and ahimsa; the establishment of a socially purposive system of education; the recognition of tolerance as a primary value; the realization of the inseparability of ends and means; and the urge towards a rational and scientific view of life.

Gandhi distilled most of his ideas from a-secular premises. This is clearly seen, for instance, in his justification of equality and his prognosis for sustaining the egalitarian imperative. Modern egalitarianism has been derived from a positivist theory of natural rights, or from the logic that it is not possible to determine relative primacy between the infinite hierarchies of classification, or from the irrationality of discrimination between incomparable individualities. Gandhi, on the other hand, eschews such abstract considerations and bases his concept of equality on the monistic premise of advaita philosophy that all sentient beings possess divinity as ultimately inalienable parts of the Supreme Being. His belief in the Supreme Being, who manifested himself inter alia in an immanent moral law of the universe and was the ultimate reality, identical with the absolute truth, was the core of his thought. But his theism was rationally constructed and argued and it was devoid of mystical elements.

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