Khwud-kashta and pahi-kashta peasants

Khwud-Kashta

The term khwud-kashta implied hereditary ownership of land and the right to sell or mortgage it. The essential feature of this tenure was the possession and use of personal ploughs for tilling the land holding owned by the family. khwud-kashta had the right to get back his holding even after the lapse of 10-15 years provided he cleared revenue dues.

The upper caste and richer khwud-kashta relied on full or part time labour for cultivating their holdings as their women did not work in the fields and the Brahmans and Rajputs did not plough land themselves. In their case the use of hired labour irrespective of the size of land holding was indispensable. The number of ploughs owned by a khwudkashta was a measure of his status. A section of the raiyat who did not own ploughs had to lean heavily on those khwud-kashta who possessed surplus ploughs. The richer section of the khwud-kashta and superior caste peasants enjoyed tax concessions and leading positions in the rural society. The khwud-khasta status also incorporated complete or partial exemption from payment of common village expenses. In short, the khwud-kasht were relatively well off peasants, owners of the best land, 29 possessors of numerous ploughs and bullocks and in addition enjoying a favourable tax rating.

Khwud-kashta and pahi-kashta peasants

It was also noted by the Mughal administration that the richer section of the khwud-kashta at times manipulated to shift their burden on to the common peasants. They also tried to repress the small peasantry by converting the raiyati holding into their khwud-kashta. Officially, the conversion of raiyat kashta land into khwud-kashta was prohibited. Despite official restriction this trend asserted itself gradually. The richer section who had resources at their disposal, were involved in the purchase and mortgage of land holding belonging to the resources of the poor peasants which led to the development of share cropping and tenant farming. 

The khwud-kashta were expected to implement the agrarian policy of the state because of their ability to invest capital need for expansion and improvement of agriculture. It was noted by the administration that a section of the khwud-kashta could maintain cultivation even in lean years while majority of the small peasants would give up cultivation. It was an awareness of this situation that enabled the well off khwud-kashta to consolidate their position vis-a-vis the state and weaker section of the village community

The Pai Kasht

The pai or the pahis were those who came from villages other than the village where they resided. The position and the nature of their land rights varied depending on their caste, duration of stay, their agricultural capital, availability of land and the customary practices of the area. They were mostly inferiors in caste and status. Occassionally, those from the upper castes also became pahis. Though by and large poor no summary conclusions about their economic conditions are possible. Those with ploughs and bullocks were better off and they were more likely to be singled out by the state for concessions. Through the offer of payment of land revenue at concessional rate, by extending help in the construction of hutment, through preferential treatment in the allotment of cultivable waste, the pahi’s resources and labour potentials were put to use in the interest of the state.

Khwud-kashta and pahi-kashta peasants

There were two categories of the pahis the first may be termed non-resident cultivators. They usually came from neighbouring villages and cultivated land without becoming the resident of the village, tilled the land as tenants and had no right to sell or mortgage it. The pahis were induced to develop newly colonized and depopulated villages and they were charged land revenue at a concessional rate. This sometimes made the pahis even better off than the resident cultivators, but being outsider, they did not have social status. The second category of the pahis was essentially migratory cultivators who came from far off villages and parganas. The extent of the mobility of such peasants is evident from the fact that they came from far off regions. In 1665 four hundred pahis migrated from the Deccan and settled down in 36 villages of pargana Malrana in Rajasthan. The pahis brought 416 ploughs along with them. The migrant pahis were offered attractive terms on two consideration: 1) they had to leave their ancestral villages, and

Khwud-kashta and pahi-kashta peasants

2) because of their agricultural capital. They were permitted to construct their hutment in the village by undergoing the custom of chhaparbandi and acquire the resident status. In due course of time they could transform themselves into Khwud-kashta The reasons for the migration of the pahis are sometimes mentioned in the document. Famines, wars, oppression, by local authorities, excessive taxation, demand for revenue arrears, indebtedness, non availability of credit, search for better terms and Agrarian Structure: Relations 30 Expansion and Growth of Medieval Economy-1 conditions are all cited as reasons for migration.

 According to a late 17th century document from eastern Rajasthan patels and raiyats of tappa Phagi migrated to Aurangabad due to famine. According to the census of 78 villages of pargana Malarna about 10% were migrants, 7% from the neighbouring parganas and 3% arrived from Deccan and Malwa. About 4% of the cultivators had also emigrated from the pargana. The recognition by the state of the ability of the peasants to migrate in search of better conditions and thereby affect the states’ revenue constituted a vital element of the state agrarian policy. There was a section among the peasants prepared to migrate if better terms were available elsewhere. It is also evident from our documents that the pahis were less numerous than the khwud kashta. According to a yaddashti document pertaining to pargana Pinayan the total number of cultivators in 20 villages was 391.

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